Ku('He'), Kyay('S/He') and Anti-Logophoricity in Korean

Abstract

In this paper I have examined the syntactic behavior of kyay as compared with that of ku. We have seen that Principle B in the binding theory explains the distribution of ku and kyay in certain contexts, but not in others. It was observed that constructions involving indirect object NPs and oblique NPs, in particular, conflict with Principle B. As pointed out in section 2, these structures certainly require further research with respect to their interaction with where kyay stands in the binding theory. This paper has also demonstrated the need to adopt the notion 'logophorictiy' in explaining cases in which ku and kyay are in complementary distribution, as seen in the revised Noncoreference Rule (RNR). It was observed that kyay is antilogophoric with respect to a [+logo 1] subject, and that this fact seems language-specific to Korean. It is also important to note that in addition to the discourse perspective like logophoricity, grammatical relations are essential in the RNR. While I am not suggesting that Korean pronouns should necessarily be described from such a viewpoint alone, I hope that section 3 has made a contribution to the well-known fact that various components interact in syntax.