Syntactic Movement Analysis of Korean Relativization

Abstract

The present paper claims that Korean relativization involves syntactic Wh-movement of an empty relative operator. This paper will first show that Korean relativization displays typical Wh-movement properties and then provide three facts as evidence in support of the movement analysis: First, relativization in Korean is constrained by Subjacency and the Empty Category Principle. Second. the Strong Crossover Effect is obtained in Korean relative clauses. Third, canonical parasitic gaps are allowed in Korean relative clauses. Based on this movement analysis, the status of empty categories found in Korean relative clauses is thus analyzed as a variable which is A' - bound by the empty relative operator in the specifier position of CP.