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Licensing and Default Implication of Korean [Iat] in OT

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Authors
Soonhyun, Hong
Issue Date
1998-06
Publisher
서울대학교 언어교육원
Citation
어학연구, Vol.34 No.2, pp. 419-444
Abstract
In this paper, we show that different surface forms realized from underlying /l/ are positional variables which crucially depend on syllable structure. We will first demonstrate that [lateral] must be "non-crisply" right aligned with a syllable in the sense of Itô, Mester & Padgett (1994), as argued in Hong (1997a). However, we will further show that Alignment (Hong 1997a) and Syllable Contact (Davis & Shin 1997) are not enough for successful analysis of Nasal Lateralization in /nV/ and /In/. For successful analysis, we stick to "non-crisp" Alignment constraint for [lateral] as in Hong (1997a), but we introduce the notion of Default implication in Optimality Theory. Itô, Mester and Padgett (1995) explain Voicing in Japanese NC clusters by implementing Licensing and Redundancy of the feature [voice] in OT. This paper demonstrates that a similar effect can be achieved in the analysis of Korean Nasal Lateralization by implementing a Licensing and Default implication of [lateral].
ISSN
0254-4474
Language
English
URI
http://hdl.handle.net/10371/86110
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Language Education Institute (언어교육원)Language Research (어학연구)Language Research (어학연구) Volume 34 Number 1/4 (1998)
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