러시아어 부분격 구문 연구
Partitive Construction in Russian

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서울대학교 러시아연구소
러시아연구, Vol.11 No.1, pp. 165-204
Partitive Case is defined, independently of Possessive Case (which is usually cal1ed Genitive Case), as a semantic case with the property of +P]. [+P] designates not syntagmatic but paradigmatic partitivity. In other words, [+P] designates not part of an individual referent but a pragmatically indefinite member of a type instantiated in some particular space and time. Such semantico-functional definition overcomes the weakness of Jakobsonian morphology-based structural approach and “Nominative Zero Case" Hypothesis and extends the capacity of Paπitive Construction to Existential and Unaccusative Constructions (including Genitive Negative Construction and Construction with a Genitive-Theme).

Partitive Case interacts with the semantic categories of indefiniteness, quantification and aspectuality. However, Indefiniteness Hypothesis, (Empty) Quantifier Hypothesis, and Completedness Hypothesis, which are based on each of the above-mentioned categories turn out to be unsatisfactory due to their restrictedness and misconception. P-Operator Hypothesis proposed in this paper, on the other hand, can explain the semantic interaction properly, escaping the limitedness of the fore-mentioned hypotheses.

P-Operator is selected by the speaker when quantification constitutes one of his communicative intentions. Quantification may concern not only entity structure but also event structure. Naturally, [+P] may be assigned not only to NP (and realized as Partitive Case) but also to Verbal aspect(and realized as Durative or Progressive Aspect, expressed in imperfective aspect in Russian). However, simultaneous assignment of [+P] to both Case and Aspect is blocked, because NP is incorporated to V and comprises a single unit of predicate. [+ P] in NP and [+ P] in verbal aspect are logically incompatible, for the measurement of an entity is impossible

when the action is in progress. In Finnish, in some context, Partitive Case seems to imply durative or progressive interpretation. However, it tums out that durativity or progressivity is not the semantic property of Partitive Case but the effect of the interaction among denotative meaning of an entity, verbal lexical meaning, contextual consideration, and the Case.

P-Operator and Es(=State-Existential)-Operator are very similar in many ways and may be unified in one. The exact nature of their relationship remains to be clarified.
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College of Humanities (인문대학)Institute for Russian, East European & Eurasian Studies (러시아문화권연구소)러시아연구 (Russian Studies)러시아연구 Volume 11 Number 1/2 (2001)
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