日帝下 서울 南山 地域의 日本 神道・佛敎 施設 運營과 儀禮 硏究

Abstract

본 연구는 1892년 일본 거류민이 남산 일대에서 첫 신사를 건립한 시점부터 1945년 광복 이후 일제의 신사와 사찰이 사라질 때까지 남산 지역의 변화를 살펴보았다. 아울러 남산의 이러한 시설들은 주로 의례를 통해 조선인의 포섭을 시도하였기 때문에, 본 연구는 이에 주목하여 그 실체를 자세히 분석하였다. 1892년 이후 일본인 거류지가 남산 산기슭에 형성되면서 倭城臺 일대에 南山大神宮이 건립되었다. 일제의 다른 식민지에서는 개척을 상징하는 開拓三神이 국가정책으로 祭神되었지만, 경성의 거류민은 일제 당국과 무관하게 일본 황실의 조상신이며 일본의 최고신인 天照大神[아마테라스 오오미카미]를 제신하기로 하였다. 남산대신궁은 주로 죽은 일본인을 기리고 전염병을 예방하기 위한 기도와 연중의례를 실행한 장소였기 때문이다. 즉, 이곳은 거류민들의 종교적 요구를 위한 공간이었다. 1910년 일제의 대한제국 강점을 전후로 하여, 점차 社稷壇, 圜丘壇, 奬忠壇 등 조선의 국가 의례 장소와 해당 의례가 폐지되었다. 1915년 총독부가 반포한 「神社寺院規則」을 계기로 남산대신궁은 京城神社로 변신하였다. 경성신사는 조선인에게도 지원금을 징수하고 의례행사 참여를 장려하였다. 더구나 秋祭[아키마쓰리] 행렬이 남산으로부터 경성 곳곳을 지나면서 조선인 거주지까지 진입하게 되었고, 조선인들은 이를 목도하면서 저절로 일본의 신사 문화를 접할 수 있었다. 3・1운동 이후, 이미 1912년경부터 계획되었던 朝鮮神宮이 일제의 권위를 상징하는 시설로 건립되어 1925년부터 운영되었다. 조선신궁은 경성신사와 마찬가지로 아마테라스를 제신하였으며, 일본의 神社社格制度 아래 官幣大社로 인정받았다. 아울러 조선신궁에서는 아마테라스 외에 明治天皇이 제신되었다는 것이 특징이었다. 한편 조선신궁의 건립이 추진되면서 그와 경쟁관계에 있던 경성신사는 조선인을 적극적으로 포섭하는 전략을 수립하여, 경내를 확대하고 부속 시설로 天滿宮[텐만구], 稻荷[이나리]신사, 八幡宮[하치만구]과 乃木[노기]신사를 건립하였다. 이러한 다양한 신사 시설들과 그곳에 제신된 신을 통해 일본의 문화와 역사가 전해졌으며, 그 과정에서 일본의 정체성이 남산에 더욱 강화되어 이식되었다. 게다가 경성신사는 단군을 신도화된 朝鮮國魂大神으로 합사함으로써 종래의 제신 계획을 실현하였다. 아울러 남산대신궁이 이전에 맡았던 초혼제도 경성신사에 계승되었다. 이렇게 경성신사는 조선신궁에 대한 반작용으로서 조선신궁이 국가시설로서 담당하지 않았던 일들을 중시하였다. 두 신사 시설은 서로 다른 방향으로 나아갔지만, 결국 서로를 보완함으로써 상호 존속이 가능하였던 것이다. 1919년 이후의 소위 문화통치 정책이 수반한 동화정책의 일환으로 신사 참배는 忠 교육에서 활용되었다. 특히 1937년 전후 전시체제기에 접어들면서 황국신민화 교육의 일환으로 학교에서도 점차 敬神교육과 신사참배 및 연중 의례 참여가 더욱 강화되었다. 1936년 종교작흥정책이었던 心田開發運動을 통해 신사참배가 더욱 강화되었다. 그와 함께 조선의 「신사규칙」이 개정되었고, 경성신사는 國幣小社로 승격되었다. 조선신궁과 경성신사는 신사사격제도에 따라 社格 인정을 받았기 때문에 종래의 경쟁관계가 공존관계로 변화하였다. 1937년 중일전쟁 발발 후 두 시설은 국가시설로서 황국신민화 정책의 정신적 기반이 되어, 의례는 다양해지고 호전적 성격을 강하게 띠게 되었다. 1937년 이후에는 武運長久 기원, 전쟁승리 기원 등이 연중의례에 추가되거나 독자적으로 진행되기도 하였다. 1941년 태평양전쟁 발발 이후에는 지원병제도(1938년)와 이후의 징병제로 인해 조선인 전사자도 많아졌다. 이러한 상황에서 1943년 護國神社가 靖國[야스쿠니]신사의 지방사로 건립되었다. 호국신사는 死者에 대한 추모와 함께 무운장구 기원 등 남산의 여타 신사시설보다 전쟁 관련 의례를 집중적으로 담당하는 장소로 운영되었으며, 특히 유가족의 통합을 목표로 한 장소로도 기능했다. 남산에서 죽은 자를 숭배하는 것은 전쟁의 폭력에 대한 찬미가 되었다. 따라서 남산은 그곳의 모든 시설들을 아우르면서 더욱 더 유일무이한 神域으로 융합되어갔다. 이후로도 남산 일대의 모든 장소들에서 전쟁을 강조하는 의례가 거행되었으며, 가장 중심이 된 것은 조선신궁이었다. 조선신궁의 광장은 지속적으로 무운장구 기원, 필승만세 등의 호전적 의례들과, 궁성요배, 천황만세합창, 황국신민서사의 무대가 되었다. 이러한 의례들은 원래의 연중의례보다 더욱더 대중의 행동을 전제로 하면서 동시에 참여자의 신체를 대상으로 하였다. 호국신사는 추모를 맡았지만 장례식 등 신도의 정화개념에 위반하는 것은 담당하지 못하였다. 이러한 역할은 日本式 佛敎 寺刹들이 맡았다. 伊藤博文[이토 히로부미]를 기리는 博文寺는 1932년부터 주로 이토의 추모행사를 맡으면서 일반 사찰처럼 운영되었다. 이토의 기념은 곧 안중근 후손의 암살 사죄에 대한 기념을 의미하였다. 이렇게 박문사를 통해 일제의 역사관이 남산으로부터 조선 곳곳으로 전파되었던 것이다. 若草觀音堂는 齋藤實[사이토 마코토]를 기리는 장소가 되었다. 이 장소는 원래 사이토가 이른바 內鮮融和를 강조하기 위해 曹溪寺에 기증한 관음불상을 안치하기 위한 장소로 계획되었다. 하지만 사이토가 도쿄의 2·26사건으로 암살당하자 약초관음당은 그의 遺髮을 불상과 함께 안치하고 조선에서 사이토를 기념하는 장소로 기능하였다. 경성신사는 조선인의 포섭을 적극적으로 추구하였지만, 경성부민에게 지원금 징수를 승인받기는 어려웠다. 아키마쓰리는 조선인이 일본인 대중을 직접 대면하면서 일본의 신사 문화와 접촉하는 기회가 되었다. 여기서 목격된 일본인의 추태는 조선인으로 하여금 일본의 신사문화를 받아들이기 어렵게 하였고, 아키마쓰리를 구경하더라도 정작 그 의미를 제대로 알지 못한 조선인도 많았다. 1930년 이후 조선인도 적극적으로 아키마쓰리의 계획과 실행에 참여하게 되지만 이는 소수에 불과하였다. 이처럼 경성신사는 조선에서 신사의 제도화를 이용하고, 同化를 구실로 조선인의 자발적 포섭을 소규모로 의도했지만, 조선신궁은 단지 참배 강요를 통해 조선인을 남산으로 불러들였다. 조선인의 참배 태도는 늘 일본인의 평가 대상이었고, 대부분의 일본인은 조선인이 진심으로 참배하는지도 의문시하였다. 일본인의 이와 같은 태도로 인해 조선인이 신사참배로부터 스스로 소외되었다고 느끼는 일이 부지기수였음에도 불구하고 참배는 지속적으로 장려되었고, 만주사변이 중일전쟁으로 발전하는 과정에서 신사참배와 의례참여가 점차 의무화되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 연중의례의 의미와 신사참배의 절차 등은 일반 조선인에게 여전히 이해하기 어려운 것이었다. 이러한 전개 속에서 신도와 신도의례, 신사참배의 종교적 모순은 해결되지 않았다. 특히 종교 개념이 강한 기독교 신자에게 신도는 분명히 종교였으며, 종교로 인식하지 않더라도 신사참배는 우상숭배, 적어도 조상숭배였기 때문에 의례 참석은 종교적 양심의 위반을 의미했다. 다른 한편으로, 일제가 신도를 종교로 정의했다면 헌법에 따라 信敎의 자유를 적용하여 강제적인 신사 참배를 폐지해야 했을 텐데, 이는 실현되지 않았다. 만약 일제가 신도가 곧 종교임을 인정한다면, 신사 참배의 의무가 없어지고 신도를 천황 이데올로기로 이용하지 못하게 되어 천황 지배의 정당화가 불가능해질 것이었다. 따라서 일제의 신사신도비종교론과 신도의 정치적 이용, 제사, 의례와 종교를 제도에 가깝게 취급한 사실, 종교작흥으로 제창된 심전개발운동으로 신도 역시 장려된 사실 등의 각종 모순은 해결되지 못하였고, 일제가 시도한 비종교론, 즉 세속화는 실패로 끝났다. 일제 당국은 종래 종교는 私의 영역, 신사참배는 公의 영역으로 분리하였다. 그러나 1937년 이후 국가신도가 천황이데올로기, 전쟁 필승과 일제 팽창주의에 대한 믿음 등 정치적 내용을 강조하면서 원래의 신도의 대체물로서 정치적 종교로 강화되었고, 의례 역시 남산이란 공적 영역을 떠나 조선인 개인의 삶까지 침투하였다. 그 결과 신도는 일제의 전체주의를 통해 침략성을 내포하게 되었다. 즉, 정치적 필요성을 통해 신도가 다시 종교로 강화되었던 것이다. 참배자가 남산에 올라가 조선신궁에서 참배하고 돌아가는 길에 경성신사에서 한 번 더 참배하는 것이 총독부가 원하는 방식이었다. 또한 경성신사 근처의 내목신사, 팔번궁, 천만궁, 도하신사 등과 같은 攝社들을 보고, 이후 박문사와 약초관음당을 참배하는 것도 가능했다. 이렇게 남산은 일본 시설들로 포위되었으며, 남산 방문객은 하루 만에 일본의 신도 문화와 역사 인식을 전폭적으로 경험할 수 있었던 것이다.

This thesis examines the changes of Mount Namsan in Seoul from the period between 1892, when Japanese settlers first planned to build a Japanese Shinto shrine at Namsan, until the period after Koreas independence, when all those Japanese facilities on Namsan disappeared. Because those facilities mainly employed rituals in order to win over Koreans for the Japanese cause, this thesis puts a special focus on these rituals, trying to analyze them in detail. During the Joseon-Dynasty, Namsan was mainly called Mokmyeoksan and had been a place of Korean folk belief. Due to its geomantic position, Namsan was also believed to have a guarding function over the capital and thus had remained nearly untouched. With the appearance of Japanese settler communities at the foots of Namsan, Namsans Waeseongdae area became the grounds for the first Japanese Shinto shrine, named Namsan Shrine (Namsan Daesingung). Different from shrines of other colonial settings that were built under the policy of the Japanese Empire, this shrine did not revere the three so-called Gods of Development (Kaecheok Samsin) but instead Sun Goddess Amaterasu, the ancestral Godess of the Emperor family was revered. All in all, Namsan Shrine mostly catered to the religious needs of the Japanese settlers by providing Shinto rites according to the annual calendar, commemoration for the Japanese dead and a place to pray for protection against diseases. Shortly before and after the annexation of Korea in 1910, Japanese authorities abolished the rituals and ceremonial centers of the Joseon dynasty, such as Sajikdan, Wongudan and Jangchungdan. In 1915 the Government General announced the Regulations for Shrines and Temples. Namsan Shrine took this as chance to change itself into Gyeongseong Shrine and to establish the whole of Gyeongseong as its parish. Thus, all Koreans living inside this parish were to pay support fees to the shrine and were encouraged to take part in the ritual life there. Also, the yearly Autumn Festival procession went through vast parts of Gyeongseong and thus exposed also those Koreans to Japanese shrine culture who normally would not go up to the shrine itself. After the March First Movement, Joseon Shrine, which had been in planning since around 1912, was decided to be built as the symbol of Japanese authority over the Korean Peninsula. There, as in Gyeongseong Shrine, the Godess Amaterasu was to be revered. Also, Joseon Shrine was recognized as a high-ranking State Shrine (gwanpye daesa) according to the shrine rank system of the Japanese mainland. Next to Amaterasu, the Meiji Emperor was also revered as a deity in there. From 1925 onward Joseon Shrine came to be the representative of the traditions of Ise Shrine and Meiji Shrine in the Japanese mainland. During the building process of Joseon Shrine, adjacent Gyeongseong Shrine had to fear for its further independent survival and thus began to actively win over Koreans to participate in the shrine life. Furthermore, Gyeongseong Shrine expanded its shrine grounds and also built several subshrines, namely Tenmangu, Hachimangu, Inari Shrine and Nogi Shrine. Through this shrines and the respectively enshrined gods, Japanese identity was further transplanted and strengthened. On top of that, the plan to enshrine Dangun became realized as the enshrinement of the Great Deity of Korea. Furthermore the memorial service for the dead, which had been carried out by Namsan shrine in the past, was continued at Keijo Shrine as well. In this way Keijo Shrine came to incorporate everything that Joseon Shrine as a state-run facility did not cover. As such, both facilities went into different directions in terms of their respective identity, which in the end however lead to both facilities well complementing each other. The assimilation policy that was brought forward in the so-called period of cultural rule over Korea that had started in late 1919, used Joseon shrine for their loyality education. This basis was well-used further after 1937, when the policy of turning Koreans into loyal Japanese subjects was introduced. Then, obligatory shrine visits became more frequent and special shrine rituals were hold more commonly as well. In schools, reverence toward Shinto gods was put into the curriculum and shrine visits as well as participation in regular shrine events became more frequent and were linked to school culture. From 1936 onward, in the wake of the so-called Movement to Cultivate the fields of the heart (Simjeon gaebal undong), which aimed at fostering religious practices, shrine visits also were promoted even though the government did not consider Shinto as a religion. The same year, the Regulations on Shinto shrines were also updated. These provided the legal basis for the recent recogniton of Gyeongseong Shrine as a low-ranking State Shrine (gukpye sosa). Now, both facilities on Namsan held a shrine rank according to the system in the Japanese mainland, which finally lead to their relationship of competition turning into one of coexistence. As state-run facilities, both were used profoundly during the harsh assimilation policies that set in after 1937, and rituals became more bellicose. After the outbreak of full-fledged war with China, prayers for the military success of the Japanese Army were either appended to the usual shrine rituals or hold on their own. Especially from after 1941, when the Pacific War had broken out, the Korean volunteer military system (that had started in 1938) and the later general conscription lead to more Korean war dead as well. This is why in 1943 Gyeongseong Hoguk Shrine was built at the southwestern foot of Namsan, close to the Yongsan area, as a regional branch of Yasukuni Shrine. This shrine took care of ceremonies to bemoan the war dead, but also other belicose ceremonies were held there. Bereaved families were consolidated and controlled through this shrine, and it was generally used for the propagandistic effort to support the war. The reverence of the dead as spirits of war heroes also glorified and exalted the violence of war. So to speak, from 1937 onward, the various facilities on Namsan melted into one single Realm of the Gods, whose absolute center remained with Joseon Shrine. The square in front of that very shrine was the main, but not the only stage for all Shinto-related mass events, such as prayers for a successful war, the reverent bow towards the imperial palace, the praising of the Japanese Emperor and the oath to become loyal Japanese subjects. All this forms of rituals aimed at the movements of the participants way more than it was the case with regular rituals on the yearly shrine calendar and thus made the very bodies of the participants the main object of the ritual processes. Hoguk Shrine kept the memory of the war dead, but the handling of dead bodies etc. which ran against the purity ideals of Shinto was taken care of in Japanese Buddhist temples on the other sides of Namsan. Pakmun Temple, which held the memory of Ito Hirobumi in the center of its activities, was completed in 1932. Together with the commemoration of Ito, it helped spreading the Japanese interpretation of history across the Korean peninsula. The second Buddhist facility was Yakcho Gwaneum-dang, which oversaw the memory of Saito Makoto, who had donated a statue of the buddhist deity Kannon, in his view that this specific deity fostered the amalgation of Korean and Japan (Naeson yunghwa). When Saito was killed during the incident of February 26th in 1936, his hair was stored at this temple along with the statue he donated, and the facility was used to depicture the Japanese Empire as a benevolent one. In prior research, Korean reactions to the changes on Namsan during the period of Japanese rule was mostly considered as the Movement against Shrine Worship lead by christians and foreign missionaries mainly in relation to the city of Pyeongyang, where Christian faith had been strong. This dissertation starts to review Korean reactions from Namsan. Gyeongseong shrine had tried to win over Koreans, but forced payments were only hardly acceptable for Koreans. The Autumn Festival was a chance for Koreans and Japanese to come into contact with each other, and a way to expose Koreans to Japanese shrine culture. However, drunk and reckless Japanese were no pleasant sight for Koreans at all, and even though from 1930 onwards a small minority of Koreans took actively part in the planning and running of the procession, most of the onlooking Koreans could not understand what this event was about. On the other hand, Joseon Shrine simply forced Koreans to visit. The attitude and manner of Korean shrine visitors was always subject to Japanese ridicule, which is why Koreans became alienated with the shrine, not only because they were forced, but also because of the ridicule against them. Even though continous attendance at ceremonies was asked from the Koreans, there is evidence that many of them did not have a clear idea of the meanings of the rituals that were carried out. In the wake of these developments, the contradictions of Shinto and its rituals and shrine worship in terms of their religious character was never resolved. Especially to Christian believers, Shinto had always been considered as a religion, but even if not, it still was ancestral worship and thus idolatry, which is why it ran counter to Christian conscience. On the other hand, if the Japanese authorities would have given in to the perspective of Shinto as religion, the religious freedom that was granted by the Japanese constitution and also acknowledged in the colonial setting would become a problem. If the state accepted the view of Shinto as religion, people would have been free to not visit shrines at all, a fact that ran counter to the intentions of the authorities to use shrine worship as means of assimilation and as loyality test. Still, the colonial authorities failed to solve the problems of the political use of Shinto and its continous treatment close or in relation with other religions. In short, the Japanese effort to secularize Shinto failed, a failure that finally lead to the resacralization of Shinto and its spread to the private realm, which until then had been the sphere of religion only. As a result, Shinto came to bear political goals and was used to justify not only Japanese rule, but also to justify and foster the spirit of Japanese imperialistic aggression. Thus Shinto, as it was formed at the beginning of the Meiji period, was superseeded by a new form of Shinto that acted like a political religion. Worshippers went up Namsan to worship at Joseon shrine, then could continue to Gyeongseong shrine and its various subshrines. Following the route, they would eventually pass by Pakmunsa and Yakcho Gwaneum-dang as well. This way, Namsan was encircled by Japanese facilities in such a way that a visitor could in one day be exposed to all forms of Japanese (Shinto) culture and the Japanese view on history. For Koreans, Namsan became a place where the memory and identity as a Korean was appropriated and annihilated and forcefully changed to a Japanese one. The Japanese not only negated the ritual life of the Koreans, but used Namsan as a place to instill a new consciousness as Japanese subjects by exposing Koreans to Japanese ritual life, culture in general and historical interpretations in line with Japanese imperialism. The space of Namsan was also used to elevate Shinto to a sublime, aesthetical level. In this way, going up Namsan became a ritual in itself. If the oath to become a loyal Japanese subject was an oath by words, the climb up to the shrines on Namsan was an oath made with the body. Finally, Namsan under Japanese rule was a place were through rituals a common belief was created that was then forced on its visitors. As a political-religious space, Namsan itself was completely appropriated by the Japanese Empire. After liberation, for the Koreans, the Japanese facilities on Namsan were nothing worth to be preserved. Worship at these facilities had not only been forced upon the living. Koreans who died in a war they fought not even for themselves, were even in their death further used for purposes of patriotic education. This is violence not only against the living, but also against the dead. This clearly shows the huge extent of violence and trauma that the Japanese Empire caused to the Koreans. A violence, that needs to be discussed together with that of other totalitarian systems. In a similar manner, State Shinto, especially its colonial setting, must be considered more deeply in terms of the functions of political religions in totalitarian systems in order to gain a deeper understanding not only of the issues of political religion, but of colonial fascism and colonial reality in general.