호치민 시의 개혁과정에 대한 정치경제학적 연구

Abstract

이 글은 개혁개방정책의 시행 이후 호치민 시가 당면한 이러한 제반 모순을 역사, 국가, 계급의 정치경제학에 초점을 맞추어 설명하고자 한다. 이를 위해 첫째, 개혁정책의 역사적 배경을 살펴본다. 현재 호치민 시에서 벌어지고 있는 상황의 역사적인 배경을 살펴보고 그 문제점을 정치경제학적 입장에서 설명하고자 한다. 둘째, 개혁개방정책으로 인해 호치민 시에 일어난 일반적인 변화와 호치민 시에 위치한 한 산업지대에서 일어난 특수한 변화를 순차적으로 기술한다. 셋째, 호치민 시의 산업지구에 살고 있는 노동자들이 개혁정책의 두 축인 자본주의화와 외국자본의 등장에 대해 어떻게 적응하고 있는지를 노동자 가구의 정치, 경제, 사회적 재생산과정에 초점을 맞추어 간략하게나마 살펴보겠다. 이상의 논의는 호치민 시가 어떤 역사적, 계급적 모순을 통해 현재에 이르렀으며 어떤 현재적 모순을 통해 미래로 향하고 있는지에 대한 포괄적인 이해를 제공할 것이다.

It is not a new phenomenon that a Third World city is experiencing an intensified linkage to economically advanced foreign capital and its transnational operations. What makes the HCM case distinctive is that the local gatekeepers of global forces show self-contradictory ideologies and roles in "the transition from socialism to capitalism." For example, the state of socialist Vietnam, famous for its strong anti-imperialism, has desperately lured foreign capital to stabilize its economy. Moreover, the state has ironically restored its power through the market economy and dependence on foreign capital. The majority of the working class seem to prefer economic liberalization to the poverty that the inefficient socialist planned economy created, even though they are increasingly caught up in capitalist discipline. Not surprisingly, the role of socialist trade unions, formerly "the transmission belt" between the state and the workers (see Pravda and Rubleeds. 1986), has become ambiguous and self-contradictory.

This essay seeks to outline the various contradictions that the rapidly transforming HCM has faced in the process of socialist reform since the mid-1980s. Toward this end, I first explain the historical background of the reform policy. Second, I describe the change of HCM in general and then of a specific industrial area. Third, based on my fieldwork experience, I discuss how the working class both deals with and resist the capitalist transition and foreign capital, with consequences for the future of the city.

The most noteworthy consequence of the changes in the city is the implausible juxtaposition of the "numerous contradictions" and political stability(Nguyen Khac Vien and Huu Ngoc 1998: 191). First, the city has witnessed rapid class differentiation and growing inequality. The children of prosperous merchants and high officials appear in the downtown discotheques every night, arriving in expensive cars and ordering 200 dollar whiskies. Meanwhile, 300 residents on the island of Ba Sang in TD manage to live with 300,000 VND(20 USD) of monthly household income.

Such contrasts become less and less unusual as the uneven development of the city accelerates. Nor can the trade unions be counted on to win better working and living conditions in the working class. As more workers fall under capitalistic relations of production, the trade unions are losing their ability to influence the decision-making process of the companies. In this process, it is questionable how the socialist state can maintain support from the workers and unions.

Finally, the discrepancy between the dominant ideologies of the socialist state and the social and economic realities of the city creates a number of self-contradictory realities and discourses. The construction of socialism through privatization and 'strong trade unions' cooperating with their companies are just a few of the contradictions.

At this moment it is not easy to predict what changes will occur, or when, or how. It is however clear that the future of the city depends upon how these contradictions are, or are not, resolved.