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Syntactic and Semantic Constraints on Caseless Numeral Quantifiers

DC Field Value Language
dc.contributor.authorLee, Doo-Won-
dc.date.accessioned2014-01-07T07:53:13Z-
dc.date.available2014-01-07T07:53:13Z-
dc.date.issued2005-
dc.identifier.citation어학연구, Vol.41 No.1, pp. 143-178ko_KR
dc.identifier.issn0254-4474-
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/10371/86349-
dc.description.abstractWe observe that Caseless Numeral Quantifiers (NQs) can float from their host subject in the passive/unaccusative construction, whereas they cannot in the unergative or transitive one (see Miyagawa 1989, Radford 2004, Ko 2004, among others): Caseless NQs within VP can also be separated from their host object in the transitive construction. We need to note that in Korean, the distributive reading of Caseless NQs is much easier to obtain, regardless of whether they float from or occur with their host subject or object. Nakanishi (2003) suggests that in syntax, the distributive reading of an element within VP must directly combine with the monotonic verb. In this paper, based on these observations, we claim that in syntax, the distributive reading of the Caseless NQ of the type 'NP-Case NQ' in Korean must combine with the monotonic verbal predicate whose event has part-whole structures, when the NQ floats from the passive/unaccusative subject in [Spec, VPj and the transitive object in the VP-object position or when it occurs with its host object within VP. This is an ideal result that follows the general assumption in compositional semantics that semantic rules apply when elements are combined by syntactic rules. The accusative Case marker is a specificity one (Kim 1993, Lee and Cho 2003, Torrego 1998). The contrastively focused argument has only a specific reading (Schiitze 2000, lung 200la). That is, the NQ with overt accusative Case and the contrastively focused NQ are both specific. Based on these observations of specificity, we argue that the NQ can induce a collective reading, only if it is specific. However, the collective reading of the NQ isn't subject to the monotonicity of the verbal predicate.ko_KR
dc.language.isoenko_KR
dc.publisher서울대학교 언어교육원ko_KR
dc.subjectNQ (Numeral Quantifier)ko_KR
dc.subjectFQ (Floating Quantifier)ko_KR
dc.subjectmonotonicityko_KR
dc.subjectdistributive/collective readingsko_KR
dc.subjectunaccusative/unergative/ transitive constructionsko_KR
dc.titleSyntactic and Semantic Constraints on Caseless Numeral Quantifiersko_KR
dc.typeSNU Journalko_KR
dc.citation.journaltitle어학연구-
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