The Scope and Presupposition of the Additive Particle -to

Abstract

This paper investigates the scopal behavior of the Korean additive particle -to; specifically how the presupposition due to the additive particle interacts scopally with another quantificational element in the sentence, and how changes in word order due to scrambling affect the presupposition. In the course of this investigation, I identify three factors that affect the scope pattern of the -to phrase: scrambling, the kind of function in the preceding context, and the nature of the focused phrase, which leads to an ordering restriction between a referential expression and a functional expression. The analysis is composed of three elements, each of which is independently motivated. First, I argue, following Kripke (1990) and Heim (1992) among others, that the anaphoric approach to the additive particle is superior to the existential approach. Secondly, I claim that syntactic binding is not the only mechanism for variable binding. I show that semantic binding is also available, which is operative when we are dealing with functional dependencies. Finally, I propose two principles of economy that regulate reconstruction and type raising. Both operations are allowed only when they are motivated. The motivation of reconstruction is a change in truth-conditions. If reconstruction only affects presupposition, it is not licensed. Similarly, type raising is possible when it is motivated by the lexical entry of the additive particle, namely to avoid a type-mismatch.