Asymmetry Between CP and TP Ellipsis and Its Consequences on Extractability : Evidence from Korean

Abstract

This paper looks into CP and TP ellipsis, putting even pro-forms under the category of ellipsis. In particular, we show that there is a contrast between CP ellipsis (i.e., clausal argument drop) and TP ellipsis (i.e., kuleh-replacement) in terms of extraction. The former does not allow extraction out of it, but the latter does. We then provide a phase-based account of this asymmetry. In the case of TP ellipsis, the elided TP as a phasal complement undergoes Transfer to PF, the peripheral [Spec, CP] position still being available as an escape hatch for extraction to a higher position. In the case of CP ellipsis, the elided CP (presumably undergoes Transfer and) freezes its Spec position, preventing extraction out of it. In essence, this paper shows how ellipsis can be accommodated into a phase-based theory of syntactic derivations.