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제2차 세계대전 후 미국의 대일전략과 독도 귀속문제 : The U.S. Strategy Toward Japan after the World War II and the Dokdo Issue

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dc.contributor.author조성훈-
dc.date.accessioned2016-05-04T02:23:17Z-
dc.date.available2016-05-04T02:23:17Z-
dc.date.issued2008-
dc.identifier.citation국제지역연구, Vol.17 No.2, pp. 41-80-
dc.identifier.issn1226-7317-
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/10371/96197-
dc.description.abstract본고는 일본이 독도영유권에 대해 역사적으로나 국제법상 근거가 있다고 내세우지만, 이러한 자신감의 이면에는 리앙쿠르섬(Liancourt Rocks)이 일본주권에 속한다는 미국정부의 지지에 힘입은 바가 큰 것으로 보고, 전후 미국의 대일전략과 독도귀속문제와의 상관성에 대해 고찰하였다. 한때 연합국총사령부 훈령을 통해 한국의 독도영유권을 인정한 듯 했던 미국 측은 냉전이 본격화되면서, 미군 주둔․류큐 확보 등 미국의 이익을 관철시키는 과정에서 독도의 가치를 소홀히 여긴나머지 일본정부의 독도영유권 주장에 대해 동조하였다. 따라서 미국 측은 독도문제에 관해 방관자적 위치에 있지 않았으므로 일본의 독도영유권을 지지했던 러스크 서한과 밴플리트 보고서 등의 작성 경위를 비롯해 연합국총사령부와 국무부, 합참 사이에 논의되었던 내부문서의 공개와 적극적인 해결책을 제시할 책임이 있다.

This paper regards Japan's confidence as mainly coming from the U.S. government's supportive position that Liancourt Rocks' belongs to Japan's sovereignty, even though Japan insists to have claims over Dokdo based on history and international law. Therefore, this paper reflects the relationship between U.S. strategy toward Japan in the post-war period and the question of the title over Dokdo. The U.S. seemed to acknowledge Korea's right to Dokdo islet through instructions number 677 or 1013 of the General Headquarters of the Allied Powers. The U.S., however, secured its profits by stationing its troops and obtaining the Ryukyu Islands, because of alleviated anger toward Japan and the development of the cold war. During this process, the U.S., which regarded Dokdo as a barren land, agreed to the Japanese claim over Dokdo. In other words, the U.S., while carrying out the Japanese occupation policy in the post-war period, included Dokdo to Korea's territory, but at the same time, it took the contradictory measures of including Dokdo to Japanese territory, thereby leaving a possibility of conflict between Korea and Japan. Furthermore, heightened strategical value of Japan made good conditions for concluding both the peace treaty and independence. which were the main priorities of the Japanese foreign policy due to the Korean conflict and the intervention of the Chinese military power. On the other hand, the Korean government's response was too late, compared to the Japan's early efforts to take control over Dokdo and to persuade the U.S. after their very defeat. The Korean government began developing its claims to Dokdo after territorial matters were almost settled between the U.S. and Japan. At that time, Korea could not cooperate with Russia, China and India, etc. whom were in opposition of U.S.' policy toward Japan, under the Cold war system. Accordingly, Korea was not able to gain any support from the international society regarding the conflict. Because the U.S. was surely not a spectator regarding the Dokdo issue, it has responsibility to present a solution other than Korea-Japan joint-ownership over Dokdo. It should reveal relevant documents with regard to the Dokdo issue such as Dean Rusk's letter which supported Japan's claim to Dokdo and how the British draft in faver of annexing Dokdo to Korea was excluded. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Korea came to have more objective position in solving the Dokdo issue in cooperation with Russia, China and India, etc.
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dc.language.isoko-
dc.publisher서울대학교 국제대학원-
dc.subjectClaims to Dokdo-
dc.subjectWilliam J. Sebald-
dc.subjectthe treaty of San Francisco-
dc.subjectthe Cairo Declaration-
dc.subjectRusk's letter-
dc.subjectU.S. policy toward Japan-
dc.subject독도영유권-
dc.subject시볼드-
dc.subject샌프란시스코강화조약-
dc.subject미국의 대일정책-
dc.subject카이로 정신-
dc.subject러스크 서한-
dc.subject밴플리트 보고서-
dc.title제2차 세계대전 후 미국의 대일전략과 독도 귀속문제-
dc.title.alternativeThe U.S. Strategy Toward Japan after the World War II and the Dokdo Issue-
dc.typeSNU Journal-
dc.contributor.AlternativeAuthorCho, Sung Hun-
dc.citation.journaltitle국제지역연구-
dc.citation.endpage80-
dc.citation.number2-
dc.citation.pages41-80-
dc.citation.startpage41-
dc.citation.volume17-
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