From Reactive to Proactive:Chinas Negotiating Behavior in UNFCCC

Abstract

Climate change is one of the greatest global environmental challenges confronting the international community in the era of globalization, thus international cooperation among countries is urgently needed to solve the challenges. In particular, climate change politics causes complex problems that involve the global, regional, national perspectives and the issues of developed and developing countries. Climate change is multi-dimensional development challenge for both developed and developing countries. As Chinas international status has enhanced after 2008 Global Financial Crisis, China has been pressured to become a responsible stakeholder in the international system. This study explores how chinas negotiating attitude changed towards in the international climate change conventions within the circumstance. China, one of the key culprits to global climate change, needs to take an action to address climate change. Although Chinas climate change principles established at the primary stage of international climate change conventions have not been officially altered, Chinas negotiating position has been dramatically transformed. First of all, China has moved from passive and skeptical participants to active and cooperative player in the negotiations. At the early stage of the international climate change conventions led by developed countries, China lacked understanding of the existing order and did not have capability to deal with climate change challenges in technical and financial wise. These factors constrained China to be remained skeptical and dissatisfied. Chinas negative posture was expressed in integration of developing countries for the struggle for institutionalizing support for economic development at the global level, calling for developed nations unilateral action to combat climate change. Since 2008 global financial crisis occurred, Chinas negotiating attitude is changing. China used to push commitments of climate change to developed countries on the grounds the principle common but differentiated responsibilities, yet China has been positive towards climate change, implying that they can create resolution which has binding obligation on reduction at the Cancun conference. Second, Chinas negotiating posture within the North-South divide on climate change conventions has been changed. Bilateralization of negotiations between North and South on climate change issues has overshadowed in the conventions and this sees China being pulled into the North-South ideological battle. However, as China has been pressured from international community to pay more attention to climate change as a largest emitter, its climate alliance structure is altered. The alliance structure has been modified in two ways. First, economic heterogeneity within the G77 led emerging economies-in particular China and India, but also South Africa and Brazil-to strengthen their cooperation on climate change, being against developed countries with a concerted voice. It also shows that emerging economies, so-called BASIC are moving from a stage of passively accommodating the existing international institutions to participating actively in the regime-building process. As for the second way, China has actively participated in exchanges and cooperation on climate change and energy issues both bilateral and multilateral level. To attain the goal, the G77 is still useful for countries like China as an instrument for avoiding future commitments in the Post-Kyoto negotiations. Thus, maintaining one foot in the G77 and moving into bilateral and multilateral agreements as done by China seems to be a rational strategy that increases benefits and decrease costs. China has boosted to promote pragmatic exchanges and cooperation to the rest of the G77 countries. In particular, China has become a practical leader as a largest donor of foreign aid for developing countries.