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Elliptical Predications in Korean : 한국어 주술관계의 생략현상

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Authors

정우진

Advisor
고희정
Major
인문대학 언어학과
Issue Date
2014-08
Publisher
서울대학교 대학원
Keywords
대용형대용어주술관계추출도출적 생략
Description
학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 언어학과, 2014. 8. 고희정.
Abstract
This thesis examines ellipsis phenomena in Korean, with special attention to the case in which a pro-form kuleh 'so' appears in the ellipsis site. The main goal is to identify the distribution of this pro-form and investigate its possibilities in extraction.

This thesis first shows that the pro-form occurs in place of various
projections: vP, a Sentential Predication, a Categorical Predication, and a small clause predication. It is concluded that each appearance of the pro-form corresponds to a predication. Based on the observation, this thesis proposes that there exists an anaphoric process, namely Predication Ellipsis, which targets various sizes of predications. The pro-form kuleh appears as a result of this anaphoric process.

This thesis then presents previously unnoticed asymmetry in possibilities in extraction. Recent literatures suggest that extraction is possible (Chung 2013, Park 2013, Park and Yoo 2013, Sohn 2013). However, contrary to previous observations, it is shown in this thesis that only some portion of its appearances allows extraction: extraction from a verbal elliptical site and a small clausal elliptical site is allowed, but extraction from a full clausal elliptical site is strictly barred. I argue that this asymmetry in extraction possibilities in fact receives a principled account by adopting the theory of Derivational Ellipsis (Aelbrecht 2010). The Derivation
Ellipsis theory provides a mechanism to relate different possibilities in extraction with differences in structural configuration.

This thesis shows that the structural configuration of verbal Predication Ellipses allows extraction: it provides an escape hatch where an element within the ellipsis site can move to. In contrast, it is shown that the structural configuration of clausal Predication Ellipses disallows extraction: it lacks an escape hatch, and no
element can move out of the ellipsis site. In this way, the current proposal explains the peculiar asymmetry in extraction possibilities.
Language
English
URI
https://hdl.handle.net/10371/131948
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