10~13세기 高麗 王室의 構造와 編制

Abstract

본고는 10~13세기 고려 왕실의 인적 구성과 법제적 위상을 구명하고, 왕실의 권위 및 특권의 기반이 되었던 체제를 고찰하는 데 목적을 두었다. 고려 왕실의 혈통 관념과 폐쇄적 재생산 방식, 국왕의 가족들을 공적 영역에 配屬하여 왕실이라는 집단을 구성하는 방식을 종합적으로 검토하여 고려 왕실의 역사성을 구명하였다. 고려 왕실은 太祖 王建의 혼인과 자녀생산을 통하여 성립되었다. 고·중세 전환기를 배경으로 등장한 고려 왕실은 骨品制가 사라진 사회에서 왕실은 어떠한 방식으로 존재하며 권위를 확립해야 하는가에 대한 고민의 산물이었다. 그 결과 초기 왕실에서는 두 가지 특징적 현상이 나타났다. 첫째, 왕위계승권을 갖는 왕실 구성원들을 관료집단과 분리시키는 宗親不仕 원칙이 확립되었다. 태조 말년에 이르러 仕宦 여부는 왕실과 非왕실을 가르는 중요한 지표가 되었다. 士층의 정치적 역량을 골품제와 같은 폐쇄적 체제로 제약하지 않았던 고려에서는 종친불사를 원칙화함으로써 관료제라는 틀 속에서 왕실과 관료집단이 경쟁하는 상황을 피하였다. 나아가 國政 전반이 왕위계승 분쟁에 휩쓸렸던 신라 下代의 혼란상을 되풀이하지 않았고, 정치적 현안마다 왕실이 책임을 부담하는 상황을 미연에 방지하였다. 둘째, 왕실 남성과 호족·관료집단 출신 여성의 통혼을 허용하면서도 왕실 구성원 간의 근친혼을 반복하여 왕실의 혈통을 차별화하였다. 태조 자녀세대는 태조가 기구축한 인척관계망 내에서 호족·관료집단과 통혼하는 한편 혼인적령기의 남녀가 확보될 시 왕실 구성원 간의 근친혼을 우선하여 왕실과 외척의 외연을 제한하였다. 태조는 생전 이복남매 관계인 왕자와 왕녀를 혼인시켜 왕실의 禁婚 범위를 同母兄弟姉妹로 최소화하였다. 이후 고려초 왕실에서는 遠親에서 近親으로 갈수록 혼인을 선호하는 경향이 나타났고, 왕실 여성에게 왕실 남성과의 혼인을 강제하는 內婚 규범이 성립되었다. 태조 자녀세대 이후 왕실에서는 부모 양측의 혈통을 따져 구성원을 階序化 하였다. 부모의 內婚 여부에 따라 태조의 손자녀들에게는 왕위계승권에 관여할 수 있는 자격이 차등적으로 주어졌다. 이러한 과정에서 왕실의 외척들은 외손을 매개로 재결합하였으며, 외손을 두지 못한 외척들은 納妃하지 않은 자식을 상호간 통혼시키는 방식으로 공고한 카르텔을 형성하였다. 초기 왕실의 근친혼은 다음과 같은 정치적 효과를 갖고 있었다. 첫째, 왕실은 순혈이면서 통치 능력을 겸비한 후계자를 안정적으로 확보할 수 있었다. 둘째, 국왕의 사위를 간택하는 행위가 곧 왕위계승후보자들의 범주를 조정하는 행위였던 만큼 왕실이 국왕에게 緊束되었다. 셋째, 근친혼으로 결속된 왕실 구성원 사이에 前代의 유산이 안정적으로 상속되었다. 중국의 封爵制를 도입하여 왕실제도를 정비하기 이전 고려에서는 생존 중인 왕위계승권자에게 正胤·東宮·太子, 그 외의 왕위계승후보자들에게 宮院名+君 형식의 공식 칭호를 부여하였다. 母后 혹은 자신의 궁원명을 기반으로 한 君칭호는 남성을 여성(부인과 어머니)에게 귀속시키는 한국 고유의 宅號 문화와 연관성을 가지며, 택호 문화는 總系的 사회구조 및 男歸女家 혼속의 잔재로 이해된다. 현재 ≪高麗史≫ 宗室傳에 초기 왕실 남성의 상당수가 ○○太子, ○○大王으로 입전되어 있는데, 이는 생전의 공식칭호가 아닌 시호이고 이러한 追諡法은 늦어도 景宗代 확립되었을 것으로 보인다. 경종대에는 開寧君과 같이 궁원명 기반의 君과 성격을 달리하는 칭호도 나타났다. 光宗代부터 진행된 체제 정비의 연장선상에서 경종은 작고한 왕실 구성원과 생존한 왕실 구성원에 대한 편제를 시도하였던 것으로 이해된다. 중국의 봉작제를 고려의 실정에 맞추어 변용하고 이를 바탕으로 왕실 편제를 체계화 한 시기는 顯宗代다. 현종대에는 當代의 다원적인 동아시아 질서를 반영하여 君爵을 王爵 위상에 두는 봉작제가 성립되었다. 唐代 봉작제는 황실을 작위체계의 상층부인 國王·郡王·國公·郡公에 위치시키고 관료를 공훈에 따라 군왕 이하에 차등적으로 봉작하는 일원적 작위체계를 기반으로 하는데, 고려 현종은 唐制를 수용하여 王爵을 君爵으로 대체하고 국공 이하 작위체계를 도입한 뒤, 唐末宋初의 관행에 따라 왕자들을 君·국공에 위치시켰다. 문종 즉위 후 왕실의 세대구성이 복잡해지면서 君은 公·侯로 분화되었으나 그 실체가 王爵이라는 인식은 諸王 의식으로 이어져 고려중기까지 온존하였다. 현종대에서 宣宗代에 이르는 오랜 기간 고려에서는 중국의 사회문화적 특성을 반영한 봉작제를 고려의 사회문화적 토대에 맞추어 조정하는 작업 또한 이루어졌다. 종법질서에 기반한 중국의 봉작제는 고려와 습합할 수 없는 본질적 한계를 갖고 있었다. 고려 왕실에서는 종법질서와 單系혈통원칙을 찾아볼 수 없고, 근친혼으로 인하여 친속관계망이 가변적이었기 때문이다. 이에 고려는 嫡長이라는 생득적 요소에 근거하여 왕실 봉작을 상속시키지 않고, 公·侯·伯의 아들과 사위에게 司徒·司空과 같은 爵位化된 관직만 허용하되 이들이 內婚으로 국왕의 직계가족에 편입될 수 있다는 가능성을 상정한 채 伯爵을 운영하였다. 왕실 작위체계 상층의 公·侯·伯과 하층의 사도·사공을 기본 골격으로 하는 고려 특유의 왕실 봉작제는 특정 王代에 완성된 것이 아니라 華風的 요소(봉작제)와 土風的 요소(태조 聖訓 및 토속의 가족관념)를 조화시키려는 치열한 고민과 시도 속에 이루어졌다. 종법질서를 황실의 계서적 질서와 연동시킨 중국식 封爵令은 고려에서 무의미할 수밖에 없었다. 이에 선행연구에서는 귀납적 연구방법론을 통하여 고려 왕실의 初封 수여 원칙을 찾았다. 통설에 따르면 고려에서는 국왕의 기본가족과 그 결연자들을 왕실 봉작의 기본 단위로 하였다. 통설을 활용하여 現王으로부터 최대 어느 범주의 친속까지 동시기 법제적 왕실로 존재할 수 있는지 도식화해보면 인류학의 일차친척·이차친척과 유사한 친족구조가 확인된다. 이러한 친족구조는 종법질서와 본질적으로 다르다. 심지어 고려에서는 왕실의 內婚 규범에 의하여 역대 국왕과 왕실 구성원 사이에 복수의 친속관계가 설정되었다. 즉, 한 명의 왕실 구성원이 도식화된 친족구조 안에서 여러 위치에 존재할 수 있었다. 고려 왕실에 대한 정치제도사적 연구와 사회문화사적 연구를 통섭해야 하는 이유가 여기에 있다. 고려 왕실은 왕실 여성의 배우자를 宗室 출신으로 제한하여 왕실의 혈통과 특권을 보존하는 혼인규범을 갖고 있었다. 본고는 이를 宗室內婚으로 명명하였다. 왕녀·종녀가 사촌 이내의 왕실 남성들과만 혼인하도록 제약한 고려초 內婚 규범이 왕실 봉작제 성립 이후에는 종실내혼으로 연결되었다고 볼 수 있다. 종실은 법제적 왕실인 諸王과 더불어 諸王이 파생시킨 기본가족 일부를 포괄하였다. 사도·사공의 자녀세대는 법제적 왕실 범주에서 벗어나 왕실 주변부에 존재하였고, 그들의 최종 소속을 결정하는 데 외부적 요인이 결정적이었다. 기본적으로 사도·사공의 자녀세대는 국왕과 親이 남아있는 존재로서 혈통적 권위를 인정받았다. 사도·사공의 자녀세대에서는 국왕의 后妃 또는 王壻가 간택될 수 있었다. 이들의 최종 소속은 혼인에 따라 달라졌다. 관료가문과의 혼인을 계기로 諸王으로 편입될 가능성이 사라져버린다면 사도·사공의 자녀세대는 仕宦權을 완전히 회복하여 왕실에서 배제되었다. 가문계승·상속을 매개로 諸王들이 이들에게 강한 귀속권을 행사할 시에는 종실로서의 정체성이 확정되지만 그 여파로 배우자의 혈통과 家格에 대한 엄격한 기준을 적용받았다. 고려가 왕실 여성의 혼인을 통제함으로써 얻을 수 있는 효과는 다음과 같았다. 첫째, 왕실의 규모를 통제하여 왕위계승권의 지나친 확산을 방지하였다. 둘째, 화풍과 토풍의 조화로운 공존을 이루었다. 중국 부계혈통사회의 산물인 姓 문화를 도입하여 문물제도 정비에 활용하고 대내외적으로 고려를 王氏의 왕조로 각인시켰음에도 고려는 토풍을 부정하지 않고 여성을 통한 王統의 계승을 인정할 수 있었다. 셋째, 왕녀·종녀를 종실내혼에 구속시킨 결과 사회적으로 합의된 남녀균분상속 원칙을 실현하면서도 왕실의 자산이 분산되는 것을 방지할 수 있었다. 넷째, 문화인류학적 관점에서 고려 왕실은 아내를 취하는 자(wife-taker)의 입장만 취함으로써 왕실과 관료집단의 연대를 강화하면서도 그 배타적 우위를 공고히 하였다. 고려 왕실은 봉작제와 종실내혼이 연동된 구조 위에 존속하였다. 종남 출신의 王壻·妃父·王壻父의 사례를 분석해보면 다음과 같은 왕실 봉작제의 定型이 고려중기까지 성립되어 있었음을 알 수 있다. 종실내혼을 계기로 국왕의 近屬에 편입된 종남들은 초봉과 進封 과정에서 왕자들과 차등대우를 받았다. 왕자들이 20세를 전후하여 侯에 초봉되었다가 20대 후반에서 30대 초반 公으로 진봉되었던 반면 王壻는 伯에 초봉되고 20여 년이 흐른 뒤에야 侯로 진봉되었다. 이때의 진봉은 연령에 따른 예우일 수도, 새로운 국왕과 항렬에 따른 친속관계가 재설정된 결과일 수도 있다. 다만 王壻의 자녀세대에서 국왕 자녀들과의 종실내혼이 이루어지면 항렬이나 王壻 간 서열을 무시한 진봉이 가능하였다. 이러한 원칙은 확대 적용되어 국왕 또는 그 자녀에게 배우자를 제공하여 결연자 위상에 오른 종실들은 모두 진봉의 대상이 되었다. 고려 왕실 봉작제의 定型은 대몽항쟁기를 거치며 본격적으로 변형되었는데, 그 단초를 최씨무신정권에서 찾아볼 수 있다. 최충헌은 전통적인 종실내혼 체계를 부정하는 대신 점진적으로 왕실의 외연을 침식하며 家格을 높이고 輔政의 정당성을 찾았다. 인사권이 실질적으로 최씨무신정권의 의중에 좌우되고 국왕은 고유의 결재권만을 유지하던 상황이었기 때문에 최씨무신정권은 왕실과의 파격적 혼인에서 파생된 친속관계를 봉작을 통하여 공식화하고 이로써 기존 왕실 범주에 균열을 가져올 수 있었다. 최씨무신정권의 붕괴 이후 미세한 균열은 점차 확대되었다. 對蒙 외교에 동원된 종실에게 보상 또는 포상 차원의 봉작이 남발된 결과 국왕은 점차 왕실의 외연에 대한 통제 능력을 상실하였다. 최종적으로 충선왕대에 이르러 종래의 종실내혼이 공식 부정됨에 따라 종실내혼을 기반으로 성립한 고려 왕실은 완전히 새로운 국면을 맞이하게 된다.

This dissertation aims at investigating the constellation and legislative status of the Goryeo royal family (wangshil) in the 10th–13th century and researching the social system fundamental to the authority and privileges of the royal family. Through a comprehensive examination of the Goryeo royal familys concept of descent and methods of exclusive reproduction, as well as the way to invest the Kings family members with the titles of nobility and assign them in the official sphere, the historical characteristics of the Goryeo dynasty will be investigated. The Goryeo royal family began with the marriage and production of offspring of Taejo Wang Geon. The Goryeo royal family that appeared at the turning point from the ancient to the medieval period, emerged as a result of considerations about in what shape the royal family could continue its existence and consolidate its authority in a society that had abolished the bone-rank system (golpumje 骨品制). As a result, we can detect two characteristic phenomena in the early Goryeo royal family: First, the so-called principle of jongchinbulsa(宗親不仕) , i.e. the barring of the royal family and their relatives from holding offices, was established, which at the same time distinguished the members of the royal Family with the right of succession from officialdom. In the final years of Taejo, holding an office or not became an important marker for differentiating the royal Family from the Non-royal families. As Goryeo did not limit the political agency of the scholar-officials (sa 士) through a restrictive system such as the bone-rank system, the establishment of jongchinbulsa as a rule served to avoid competition between the royal family and the officialdom inside the bureaucratic system. Furthermore, the chaotic situation in the Late Shilla period, when the state was stricken by succession feuds, was not replicated as the royal family would no longer bear responsibility for each and every political incident. Secondly, while marriages between males from the royal family and females from families of officials or the local gentry (hojok 豪族) were allowed, consanguineous marriages between members of the royal family were encouraged to set apart a royal line of descent. Thus, in the time of Taejos children, marriage with officialdom or the local gentry within the network of relatives constructed by Taejo did occur. Still, in the case that a woman or man of marriageable age could be secured, consanguineous marriages among members of the royal family were prioritized, and thus the extension of maternal relatives was limited. During his lifetime, Taejo arranged a marriage between prince and princess who had same father and different mothers, restricting the prohibition of intermarriage inside the royal family only to same maternal siblings. In the early Goryeo period, the royal family more and more preferred consanguineous marriages with closer relatives over marriages with distant relatives and established consanguineous norms forcing women of the royal family to marry male members of the royal family. From the time of Taejos children onwards, the royal family segregated its members according to the bloodline of both parents. Dependent on whether or not the parents were in a consanguineous relationship, the right to be involved in the succession issue was differentially accorded to Taejos grandchildren. In this process, the new relatives of the royal family related by marriage united around their daughters royal offspring, while those that did not see a royal grandson could still marry their daughters (that had not been offered as concubines) to each others sons and thus establish a stable cartel. Consanguineous marriages in the early period of the royal family had the following political effects: First, the royal family could securely obtain pure-blooded successors to the throne that were also capable of ruling. Secondly, as the Kings act of electing his son-in-law effectively curtailed the range of aspirants to the throne, the royal family in fact was under the Kings control. Thirdly, the inheritance of the former generation was securely transmitted within the members of the royal family – tied to each other through consanguineous marriage. Before re-arranging the institutional framework of the royal family by introducing the Chinese nobility system (bongjakje, 封爵制), the Goryeo court gave the official titles Jeongyun (正胤), Donggung (東宮), and Taeja (太子) to the destined heir to the throne and granted further potential aspirants an official title in the form of royal Palace Name (宮院名) + Gun (君, Lord). This Gun title, based upon the name of the Queen Mother or ones own Palace Name, can be related to a traditional Korean culture of geononymy (宅號) that listed men in relation to women (wife and mother). This custom of geononymy can be seen as the remains of a cognatic social structure and a marital custom of matrilocality. In the biographies of the royal family in the History of Goryeo, most of the male members of the early royal family are listed as ○○Taeja (太子) or ○○Daewang (大王), which are not official titles but posthumous epithets. Such posthumous designations seem to have been established at least in Gyeongjongs times. In Gyeongjongs reign period, also titles not based on the Palace Name, such as Gaenyeonggun (開寧君), appeared. In extension of the institutional adjustments initiated under Gwangjongs reign, Gyeongjong tried to establish rules for the deceased and alive members of the royal family. The period when the Chinese nobility system was adjusted according to the actual state of Goryeo ―based on which the organization of the royal family was systematized― is the time of Hyeonjong. In Hyeonjongs reign period, mirroring the pluralist East Asian world order of the time, a nobility system that put the Gun title at the level of the Wang title, was established. The Tang nobility system was based upon a unitary system of noble ranks where the imperial family was located at the upper level of King (chin. guowang 國王), Commandery Prince (chin. junwang 郡王), Duke (chin. guogong 國公), and Commandery Duke (chin. jungong 郡公) in the system of noble ranks, and the officials where successively invested with titles underneath the king according to their merits. But Hyeonjong first took over the Tang system and replaced the Wang title with the Gun title, then introduced the system of noble ranks underneath the Duke, and finally, following the custom in the Late Tang and Early Song period, located the princes at the Lord and Duke level. As the generational constellation of the royal family became more complicated with the ascension of Munjong, the Gun-title was separated into Gong (公, Duke) and Hu (侯, Marquis), but the understanding that this title originally was a Wang title continued into the awareness of the jewang (諸王, royal family members invested with the titles of nobility) and thus remained until the Mid-Goryeo period. During the long time span from Hyeonjongs reign period to Seonjongs time, Goryeo underwent a process of adjusting the Chinese nobility system that reflected the socio-cultural characteristics of the Chinese society to the socio-cultural background of Goryeo. The Chinese nobility system that had its origins in the patriarchal order (jongbeop jilseo 宗法秩序) posed a fundamental barrier that made it impossible to fit the Goryeo system. The problem was that the Goryeo royal family had never functioned by following a patriarchal order or the principle of unilineal descent (dangye hyeoltong wonchig 單系血統原則) and that through the consanguineous marriages, the kinship network had become variable. Accordingly, Goryeo did not base the conferment of titles for the royal family on the innate factor of being the legitimate first-born (嫡長), but only allowed the sons and sons-in-law of a Gong, Hu, or Baek (伯, Count), to carry nobilized titles such as Sado (司徒) and Sagong (司空), while at the same time ―keeping open the possibility that these were incorporated in the Kings immediate family via endogamy― the Baek (伯) title remained in use. The Goryeo-specific nobility system of the royal family with the Gong, Hu and Baek at its upper level and the Sado and Sagong underneath was not completed in a specific reign period but emerged out of intense contemplation and attempts to conciliate Chinese style elements (such as the nobility system) with native elements (Taejos Ten Injunctions and the native concept of family). The Chinese nobility system that by decree linked the patriarchal order with the hierarchical order of the imperial family could only be of irrelevance in Goryeo. Thus, previous scholarship applied an inductive methodology in order to trace the Goryeo royal familys principle of conferring the initial noble title. According to common view, in Goryeo, the kings elementary family and the affiliated members were the fundamental units of the investiture of royal titles. If we, applying this common understanding, produce a schema of the royal family according to kinship relations with the current king, we arrive at a kinship order similar to the anthropological notion of first- and second-degree relatives. Such an order of kinship is fundamentally different from the patriarchal order. In Goryeo, following the royal familys norm of endogamy, multiple kinship relations were set up between the successive kings and the members of the royal family. Therefore, one member of the royal family could be found at different positions inside the diagram of kinship structures. The very reason for a necessary convergence between political-institutional and socio-cultural research lies right here. The Goryeo royal family practiced a marriage norm that preserved the bloodline and privilege of the royal family by restricting the marriage partners of the females in the royal family to jongshil (members of the royal family, including relatives by marriage). In this dissertation, this phenomenon is named endogamy inside the royal family (jongshil naehon 宗室內婚). With the establishment of the system of noble royal titles, the endogamous marriage norm of the early Goryeo period that restricted royal females and female royal relatives to marrying male royals within the fourth degree of kinship (i.e. cousins), developed into endogamy inside the royal family. Jongshil (宗室) encompassed the royal family by legal definition, namely the jewang, and part of the elementary family that derived from the jewang. The children of Sado and Sagong were situated outside the perimeter of the royal family proper and situated in its surroundings, their final affiliation being determined by external factors. Generally, it was acknowledged that the children of Sado and Sagong had authority in terms of blood lineage as they had a remaining relation, chin (親), to the king. These children of Sado or Sagong could be selected as the kings queen or son-in-law. Their final affiliation was decided according to their marriage. If, through inter-marriage with a family of officialdom, the children of a Sado or Sagong could no longer become a jewang, they were excluded from the royal family and recovered the right to hold an office. When the jewang used the family lineage and inheritance as a means to exert authority on them, their identity as jongshil would become manifest, but at the same time would remain subject to their spouses bloodline and rank of family. The Goryeo royal family gained the following effects from restricting the marriage of female members of the royal family: Firstly, the size of the royal family could be controlled and an excessive increase of possible aspirants to the throne could be prevented. Secondly, peaceful coexistence between the Chinese style customs and native customs was achieved. While the Chinese xing (姓) culture, a product of the Chinese patrilineal society, was introduced and applied in the maintenance of the civilization and institutions and while Goryeo internally and externally carved the impression that Goryeo was a dynasty of the Wang-family, at the same time it did not deny the native customs and remained capable of acknowledging the succession of the royal line through women. Thirdly, by confining the royal women (princesses and female members of the royal family) to endogamy inside the royal family, it was possible to realize the rule of equal inheritance among men and women that was social consensus while preventing the dispersion of the royal familys assets. Fourth, from the viewpoint of cultural anthropology, the Goryeo royal family only took the position of a wife-taker and thus could strengthen the bond between the royal family and the officialdom, at the same time solidifying the position of exclusive superiority. The Goryeo royal family continued to exist in a system that combined the nobility system with endogamy inside the royal family. If we look at the cases of male members of the royal family, such as the son-in-law of the king (wangseo 王壻), the father of the queen (bibu 妃父), and the father of the son-in-law of the king(wangseobu 王壻父), we find that the following model of nobility system can be observed up until the mid-Goryeo period. The men of the royal family that became incorporated into the kings surroundings through endogamy inside the royal family received discriminative treatment in comparison to the princes in the process of first investiture and further investiture. The princes received the Hu title as the first title around the age of 20 and were further invested as Gong in their late 20s and early 30s. The royal sons-in-law, on the contrary, were first invested as Baek and only further invested as Hu after around 20 years had passed. This further investiture could be according to age or be the result of the reshuffling of kinship relations due to a new king and thus a new generational order. Yet, if an endogamous marriage inside the royal family took place among the children of a son-in-law of the king and the kings children, then further investiture was possible that did not follow generational order or the hierarchy among the royal sons-in-law. This principle was then extendedly applied so that the jongshil that had provided a spouse to the king or his children and thus earned the position of an affiliate, actually became objects of further investiture. The standard model of the Goryeo royal familys nobility system underwent significant transformation during the anti-Mongolian resistance period, but the beginnings of these changes can be traced to the period of Military Rule of the Choe regime. Choe Chung-heon denied the traditional system of endogamy inside the royal family but instead eroded the scope of the royal family and elevated the status of the family in order to add legitimacy to being involved in state affairs. Since the authority over the personnel affairs de facto laid in the hands of the military rulers of the Choe regime and the king only retained his nominal right of decision, the military regime could use the investiture with noble titles to formalize the kinship relations that resulted from their shocking marriage with the royal family and thereby was able to bring about initial cracks within the fabric of the royal family. After the collapse of the military rule of the Choe regime, these fine cracks gradually magnified. As a result of the over-issuance of noble titles as a reward for jongshil that had been involved in diplomacy with the Mongols, the king gradually lost control over the scope of the royal family. In the end, in the period of Chungseon of Goryeo, the conventional endogamy inside the royal family was officially discontinued, the Goryeo royal family that had been established based on the rule of endogamy inside the royal family entered a totally new phase.