현대러시아어의 "원망"동사의 의미와 상

Abstract

본 논문은 현대러시아어의 소위 의지양상(bouletic/volitive modality, жела - тельная модальность)을 표현하는 동사중의 하나인 хотеть/эахотеть 의 의미론적, 상적 관계를 기술함을 그 일차적 목표로 하고, 또한 이 두 동사에 의해서 통사적으로 지배받는 부정사 보문에서의 상의 선택과 관련된 문제도 아울러 살펴보려고 한다.

The present study investigates the 'aspectual' relationship between the

two volition verbs in Russian, xctet' and zaxotet', focusing on the similarities

and differences in lexical and aspectual semantics between them, and

further touches on the issue of aspect selection in the infinitival complement

governed syntactically by them.

The morphologically simplex verb, xotet', shows a wide range of lexical

senses; (I) the sense of person-internal want, (2) the sense of 'attempted'

want, (3) the deontic modal sense of 'permission', and (4) (colloquially) the

sense of epistemic possibility. In contrast, the prefixed verb, zaxotet', is

very restricted in its usage, its only lexical sense appearing person-internal

want, which means that the two volition verbs could be examined with

respect to 'aspectual' relationship, only when xotet' is used as expressing

person-internal want. In other words, xotet' used in the sense of (2), (31,

and (4) is a imperfective tantum verb. In this respect, the pair, xotet' and

zaxotet', belong to those pairs of verbs, which show 'partial correlation

(chastichnaia scotnositel'nost')'.

The study argues that the perfective zaxotet' is one of the 'inceptive'

verbs, which is thus related with the imperfective xotet' procedurally. However,

in the specific context, zaxotet' shows some aspectually-related functions of the perfective verb that constitutes a purely aspectual pair. This

makes one to assume that aaxotet' is one of those verbs which illustrate

the phenomenon of 'aspectualization of procedurals'.

From the lexico-semantic argument to the effect that the positive volition

verb of xotet' triggers as a rule the perfective in the infinitival complent,

while in the negative context the imperfective is preferred, it follows that

markedness relation can be established in the context of volitive modal

verb: i. e.. in the positive context, the perfective is unmarked. while in the

negative context the imperfective is unmarked. This is confirmed by the

statistical analysis of the extensive data available to the author. This

markedness relation, however, can be reversed in some specifiable contexts.

Thus, the appearance of the marked member - the imperfective - in the

positive context is induced by some semantic and discourse-pragmatic factors

such as the generality of the infinitive situation, the replication of the

previous utterance, and the exigency of the infinitive situation. The perfective,

which is marked in the negative context, is motivated by the meaning

of the subject-referent's strong will not to perform the infinitive, action.