A Resumption Strategy for Gapless Multiple Right Dislocation

Abstract

This paper mainly focuses on gapless multiple right dislocation constructions in Korean. Abe (2016) argues against the most popular approach to right dislocation, namely, a bi-clausal analysis incorporating repair by ellipsis strategy. Instead, he argues for a bi-clausal in situ deletion approach based on island insensitivity, intervention effects, and multiple sluicing in Japanese. In this paper, I carefully examine Abes arguments, using corresponding Korean examples, and argue that his arguments are not tenable. I even claim that the bi-clausal analysis is not an option. More specifically, I propose that the in situ deletion effects are achieved by another mechanism, which I call phonetic resumption, under the mono-clausal analysis coupled with TP-raising.