'Island Constraints' and Pro-Deletion Phenomena in Korean

Abstract

It has been observed that Korean can disobey the 'island constraints' (cf. Ross 1967) in certain cases. For example, if we assume that the underlying or remote structure of (l) is something like (2) and that there is a rule for relative clause formation in Korean, then we see that in the derivation of 0 ) , the Complex NP Constraint, which is one of the island constraints, is apparently violated.