S-Space Language Education Institute (언어교육원) Language Research (어학연구) Language Research (어학연구) Volume 32 Number 1/4 (1996)
La cliticización y la condición del último recurso
Cliticization and Last Resort Condition
|dc.identifier.citation||어학연구, Vol.32 No.3, pp. 549-565||ko_KR|
|dc.description.abstract||In this paper, we present an alternative proposal to the cliticization process
assumed in Chomsky (1994), taking into account the Last Resort Conditíon
(Chomsky, 1995). Chosmky (1994) supposes that an item can be
both X° and an XP in terms of a "bare phrase structure" theory: clitics.
Under Determinant hypothesis, Chomsky assumes that a clitic raises from
its theta position and attaches to an inflectional head. In its theta position,
the clitic is an XP, and the attachement to a head requires that it be an X°.
In this way, Chomsky supposes that a clitic raises by XP-adjuntion until
the final step of X°-adjunction, indicating that the movement of clitic does
not violate the Head Movement Constraint (HMC).
Accepting the DP hypothesis of clitics, we assume that direct object
clitics in Spanish, merged with verb in the base, appear to share XP and X°
properties in the line of Chomsky (1994). But, we propose that, instead of
raising by XP-adjunction, the clitics attach directly to the complex head V
+T as CLmin/max in the overt syntax because of their affix property. In this
derivation, the clitic can check the formal features (Case feature, D feature,
"specificiy" feature and phi-features) of verb, adjoined to T, in the
checking domain of V. (We have affirmed that the adjunct position to an
XP is not included in the checking· domain of a functional head; cf.
Chomsky, 1995). In this way, we think that the cliticization does not violate
the Last Resort Condition: a step in a derivation is legitimate only if it is
necessary for convergence, that is, for the morphological requirement. With
respect to the problem of HMC (clitic raises to T,° crossing V°, the closest ccommanding head), we have proposed, in the line of Chomsky (1995), that
a trace is "immobile", hence, cannot bar raising: only the head of a chain
CH enters into the operation Attract/Move. Under this assumption, the
trace of a verb does not prevent the attraction of the DO clitic that it ccommands.
|dc.title||La cliticización y la condición del último recurso||ko_KR|
|dc.title.alternative||Cliticization and Last Resort Condition||ko_KR|
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- Language Education Institute (언어교육원)Language Research (어학연구)Language Research (어학연구) Volume 32 Number 1/4 (1996)