허사 there 구문 연구

Abstract

이 연구는 첫째， 영어의 허사 there 구문(expletive there construction)을 분석함에 있어서 Chomsky (1995) 나 Lasnik (1995b)에 의해 제안된 자질 이동분석(Feature Movement Analysis)이 Chomsky (1986)이나 Chomsky (1991)의 법주이동분석(Category Movement Analysis)이나 최근 Bośković (1995)에 의해 제안된 정사하향이동분석(Affix Hopping Analysis)보다 개 념적인 면에 있어서나 경험적인 변에 있어서 우월함을 보이고， 둘째， 이러 한 세 가지 분석들의 단점을 보완한 새로운 분석안을 제시함을 목적으로 한다.

This study has a couple of aims as follows. First, it aims to show that in analyzing English there-construction, the Feature Movement Analysis pro posed on the basis of the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (1995) and Lasnik (1995b) is superior either to the Category Movement Analysis of Chomsky (1986, 1991) or to the Downward Movement Analysis of Boskovié (1995) both conceptually and empirically. Second, a new feature movement-based analysis will be proposed that can overcome the problems of the analyses proposed by Chomsky (1995) and Lasnik (1995b). . There have been tons of analyses proposed on English there-construction in the generatíve grammar traditíon. Especially with the launch of the Mini malist Program, its analysis entertains a more deepened scrutiny. By and large, proposed analyses can be divided into two major trends according to the development of the theory of generative grammar: one is the Category Movement Analysis (Chomsky (1 986, 1991, 1993), Lasnik (1995a)) and the other is the Feature Movement Analysis (Chomsky (1995), Lasnik (1995b)). Both analyses basically assume upward movement (raising) of associate NP or its formal features to there. In particular, Chomsky (1986) proposes that the associate NP substitute there via raising, and Chomsky (1991) proposes that the associate NP adjoin to there. Recently, Chomsky (1995) proposes that the formal features of associate NP raise. These movements are done due to different reasons: for Chomsky (1986, 1991, 1993), the movement is just for Case-checking. For Lasnik (1995a, 1995b), it is for the satisfaction of theres morphological inadequacies. For Chomsky (1995), the movement is triggered by the unchecked feature of Agr. Bośković (1995), however, in his dissertation, points out problems of upward movement-based analyses and proposes that there as an affiìx move downward to associate NP. This paper aims to show that the formal features of there moves to the associate NP not upward but downward. In par ticular, this paper intends to draw conclusions as in (1) :