처소논항 교체의 의미론: 자동사와 형용사를 중심으로

Abstract

This paper proposes a semantic typology of intransitive verbs and adjectives in Korean which involve locative alternation: (i) sound emission predicates, (ii) light emission predicates, and (iii) predicates of full occupancy. The paper further notes that the typology is closely related to and supported by their argument structures and their frequency in alternating constructions: i.e., [LOCATION-nominative] vs. [LOCATION-locative]. The paper claims that (i) only [LOCATION-nom] construction implies holistic effect; (ii) the other argument NP in [LOCATION-nom] construction is interpreted as Cause (but not as Instrument) of the event of the sentence; (iii) another locative alternation between [LOCATION-ey] and [LOCATION-eyse] is allowed only in case the predicate lexically denotes an atelic aspectuality; (iv) if a [+human] nominal occurs as [LOCATION-nom], the NP is interpreted as a thematized location and the VP is an individual level predication of the thematized NP; and (v) another similar but different locative alternation with a source NP can also be analysed in terms of causative event structure. The paper formally characterizes the lexical meaning of locative alternation predicates in terms of event structure, argument structure, case structure, and qualia structure (Pustejovsky, 1995). The same analysis can be extended to transitive locative alternations.