An Economy-based Approach to Scope Interaction among QP, Negation and Intensional Predicate

Abstract

This paper provides an economy-based account for the scope interaction among QP, negation and intensional predicate. First of all, we argue that inverse scope of quantifier phrases either below negation or intensional predicate in raising constructions is attributed to their literal lowering. In particular, focusing on the asymmetry in inverse scope between the two types of Qps, universal and existential QPs, we suggest that the inability of the former universal QPs to take inverse scope below intensional verb is due to the phase-bounded locality of their scope-taking movement. By contrast, the inability of the latter existential QPs to take inverse scope below negation is ascribed to Relativized Minimality (RM) effects, which can be subsumed under the more general Weak Island effects. Second, we extend this line of analysis to scope relations of QPs in object position. The inability of object universal QPs to take wide scope over negation, on the one hand, stems from the same phase-bounded locality of their scopetaking movement that subject ones obey. Object existential QPs, however, either take phase-bounded movement to an outer [Spec, vP] position, thereby taking scope below negation. or alternatively, they have an option of exploiting the RM-circumventing unbounded scope movement, thereby taking wide scope over negation and being interpreted as specific