Midway Coordination: ATB and RNR vs. PG Constructions in English

Abstract

This paper investigates three constructions in English which apparently contain two gaps: (i) the across-the-board (ATB) construction; (ii) the parasitic gap (PG) construction; (iii) the right node raising (RNR) construction. Examining a new set of data involving interwoven dependency, identity, and a functional construal of the two gaps in these three constructions, I argue in favor of an approach which unifies the ATB and RNR constructions. I argue that the ATB construction cannot be reduced to a PG construction, or the other way around, though there have been recent endeavors to do so (cf. Hail< 1985; Williarns 1989, 1990; Munn 1998, 2001; Homstein and Nunes 2002). Specifically, I propose that the two elements which are ATBmoved and "RNRed" in the ATB and RNR constructions undergo conjunction under coordination in the course of derivation. In the PG construction, on the other hand, there is no movement out of the adjunct clause, obviating the conjunction under coordination which is found in the other two constructions.