Scalar Implicatures and Free Choice Effects in Disjunction Structures

Abstract

It has been disputed whether implicatures arise globally or locally and whether free choice effects are SIs. In this paper, we consider complex sentences involving the disjunction operator and discuss those issues. It will be shown that scalar implicatures (SIs) arise globally, while Free Choice (FC) effects arise locally. Cases where SIs are seemingly calculated locally are actually cases where global inferences have the effect of local inferences due to the contexts in which the sentences are interpreted. In showing this, we will see that SIs and FC effects are not syntactic phenomena. This is an opposite position to the claim that SIs are calculated locally.